In an interview with Civil Georgia on November 21 leader of the opposition Republican Party Davit Usupashvili said that tendency of establishment of authoritarian-style of governance, for which legitimate goal prevails over the procedural democracy has become one of the trends of the Georgian politics after the Rose Revolution.
He also said that the weakness of the opposition is just “a myth” which has emerged against the background of the ruling National Movement party, which, as he said, is totally backed by “the state machinery.” He also criticized the authorities’ strategy of conflict resolution issues and said that without winning hurts and minds of Abkhazians and Ossetians, it will be impossible to restore the country’s territorial integrity.
Q.: Can you outline those main political trends, characterizing the post-revolutionary Georgia?
A.: The first thing I would like to note is that quite serious tendencies have been developed from November 2003 to November 2004, but no remarkable developments took place within the last year, of course except of death of [Prime Minister] Zurab Zhvania.
All those tendencies, which took a momentum during the first year [2004], continued this year. The first, it is a tendency towards establishment of authoritarian governance. Visually, we can clearly see it by comparing the TV adverts hailing the authorities’ achievements [which have been aired through the national television stations recently]. Unlike last year, this year’s TV adverts are mostly focused on featuring one person [President Saakashvili]. However, the idea that the revolution was carried out by the Messiah, which has started establishment of the new state, was prevailing in the last year’s adverts as well. But today, we see the Messiah at the new stage, who will lead the country into the bright future. This is the key line and all the other tendencies are based on this course.
Among these tendencies there is the brain-drain process from the governmental circles. Free-minded and professional people can not stay in the state structures any more and this tendency has strengthened within past year, which was demonstrated in processes of staff reshuffles in the government. The tradition of so-called ‘merry-go-round’ [meaning replacing one minister with another] is conditioned by the fact that staff replacements are taking place in a small circle. The process of endorsing new people in the government is too slow.
One more tendency is increasing trend of negligence of the rule of law, as the principle of the governance. The doctrine, which emerged during the revolution and according to which legitimate goal is more important rather than procedural democracy, has now finally established. The requirements of law, dialogue, accountability – all these are less important compared with final results. This phenomenon has already become a style of management.
One more new phenomenon is establishment within the governmental circles small authoritarian islands built around separate influential persons, or not strong democratic institutions, but unbridled officials, who can neglect everyone and everything.
Among such persons there are some ministers, including Interior Minister [Vano Merabishvili], Defense Minister [Irakli Okruashvili], some parliamentarians, governors, Mayor of Tbilisi [Gigi Ugulava], the Interior Ministry’s Department for Protection of Constitutional Security, Chief of the Financial Police [Davit Kezerashvili]. The following tendency is observed: if [Governor of the Shida Kartli region Mikheil] Kareli said and must be done; if [influential parliamentarian from the ruling National Movement party Giga] Bokeria said it must be done.
This is a bad tendency not only for the society, but also for the governmental system: these small lords are eventually strengthening their footholds. So, the functional and interest conflict among them is unavoidable. These internal disagreements are frequently revealed today. This creates serious problems to President Saakashvili, since such system poses a threat of self-destruction.
Q.: The government reiterates constantly that it has a strong commitment to build European-style democracy; you think that this declaration is not in line with the practice?
A.: It is principally impossible to preserve democratic rhetoric and authoritarian-style management for a long time. We have a facade democracy just to demonstrate it to the West.
Revolutions have occurred in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan because there were weak, semi-liberal authoritarian regimes there. Unfortunately, we still move in the direction of such a regime today.
The orientation of the law-enforcement system towards political reprisals has become more vivid within past year. With the opposition’s strengthening, the punitive machinery turns to the present political opponents. We can bring an example of brutal beating of Valerie Gelashvili [member of the Republican Party].
It can be said today, that the so called “show-democracy” has risen to great heights, when the authorities try to create a sense of success by abundance of theatrical shows. Sharp eye would have observed numerous similarities with the Soviet-old governance style. Bringing up a generation of patriots and demonstrating that as if worshiping the authorities is patriotism, as well as the issue of reserve forces, when the parliamentarians declare with pride that they will go to the army in case of war, while in accordance with the Georgian Constitution, during emergency situations the Parliament is obliged to convene – all these are elements of “show-democracy.”
The Interior Minister’s statement, according to which Tbilisi has contributed to the escape of prisoners from Tskhinvali prison, is another example of mistreatment of values. On the one hand, one minister is discussing peace plans in Europe, while the other openly declares that he helped prisoners escape Tskhinvali prison.
The same can be said about the recent comment of President Saakashvili about the case of insult of Russian journalists in Kakheti region, when Saakashvili approved this fact by “a sense of national pride.”
Q.: But despite these criticism authorities always manage to be ahead of the opposition and looks more organized. Do you think that weakness of the opposition is the reason?
A.: This is basically caused by the fact that the authorities spend a significant part of its financial resources on creating its political image. Each event of the authorities, which is broadcasted live by Georgian television stations, naturally creates illusions of certain dynamism.
When the authorities open free kitchens for poor families and call on businessmen to support this initiative, this overshadows the problem pushed forward by the opposition, which claims that as a result of the budgetary amendments the authorities delayed launch of a program designed to help the most impoverished part of our citizens.
The authorities use huge financial resources, both legal and illegal for PR campaigns. Hence, due to scarce financial resources the opposition seems less organized than the authorities.
Negligence of dissent opinion is one more tendency of the authorities. The authorities think that if they admit their mistake, they will promote the launch of their failure by this. Therefore, they declare their steps and decisions as the only right way. The President almost instructs his supporters not to get involved in a debate with, as they put it, “ungrateful” opponents. They say that as far as the majority of the population supported them they are authorized to do whatever they want – essence of this policy is similar to that one of the Bolshevism.
Q.: Authorities have intensified efforts to solve conflicts, mainly South Ossetian one. Do you think this policy lacks consistency and stabile approach?
A.: When Israel carries out peace negotiations, it never suspends training of its army and military rhetoric as well, but fulfillment of the agreements achieved at the table of negotiations is an elementary principle.
Our problem is that neither enemies nor friends, neither Europeans nor Americans understand what Georgian authorities want: do the authorities use the peacekeeping process in order to settle the problem by force, or vice versa, uses armed forces as a backing at the table of negotiations.
In our [Republicans’] opinion, we should choose the following way of conflict resolution: we should find out with whom we have to deal. We have a conflict basically with Russians, as well as with those people, who are under influence of strong anti-Georgian propaganda. We should firstly win information war in Tskhinvali and Sokhumi. We should show Ossetians and Abkhazians another Georgia, which is more attractive, than they remember it was in the past. This is very difficult and can be achieved only through demonstration of Georgia’s real achievements.
We should follow the doctrine: we will fail to return Abkhazia and Ossetia, if we fail to return Abkhazians and Ossetians.
Today we have a unique opportunity, since we currently have a strong support of the international community, but this support is not guaranteed forever, especially if we take into account Kosovo’s case, which is most likely that will soon be recognized as an independent state. This will of course be an inspiration for Abkhazians.
Q.: What is the political strategy of the Republican Party?
A.: Our supreme goal is to return faith to those people, who supported the revolution, but think today that everything was in vein and the authorities have chosen another way.
The key political problem is that the people are not united around the values. Our strategy is not to increase of the Party at the expense of controversial persons and not to try to win voters’ hearts and minds with cheap populism. We prefer to move slowly towards that political success. Of course, this demands huge work, but we will not give up this principle.
Our political task is to achieve serious success, together with our political partners, during the local self-governance elections [in 2006]. Today the opposition represents a well-coordinated unity of political parties.
It is a myth that the opposition is weak. This myth has appeared against the background of the ruling party, which is strengthened by the state machinery. In a fair competition the opposition will be not only competitive, but also successful.
Q.: Has the Saakashvili’s administration ever offered your party to form a coalition cabinet?
A.: No, they have not. You remember, during the Rose Revolution and afterwards we were partners, but for those who still remain in the government, the Republicans have become most unacceptable political force, because we can compete with them.
Coalition government should be based on certain principles. We will agree on coalition relations only in case if the authorities recognize their mistakes and share our visions.